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What we know and what can be known about Bada Shanren: On his Lotus and Ducks and Pine and Rock
Josh Yiu
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There are many who know [Bada] Shanren, but there is none who truly knows [him]... What is he supposed to do? By acting suddenly mad, or suddenly mute, he can conceal himself and be the cynic he is. Some say he is a madman, others say a master. These people are so shallow for thinking they know [Bada] Shanren. Alas!Quoted from Chang, Joseph & Bai Qianshen; Allee D. Stephen cata. In pursuit of Heavenly Harmony: Paintings and Calligraphy by Bada Shanren from the Estate of Wang Fangyu and Sum Wai. Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art: Smithsonian Institution in association with Weatherhill, Inc., 2003, p. 3.

Written by his friend Shao Changheng邵長衡 (1637–1704), these words vividly describe the man who survived the Manchu invasion and who sought refuge in tonsure and art. While this quote offers proof that Bada Shanren was not mentally ill, as some claimed, it also points to divergent images of Bada Shanren—one he projected for the public to see and the other, inner self that was often concealed.For more information, see Richard Barnhart’s introduction of the artist in Wang Fangyu & Barnhart, Richard M. & Smith, G. Judith, ed. Master of the Lotus Garden: the Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Art Gallery: Yale University Press, c1990, pp. 13-19. His paintings did not seem to have raised so many questions during his lifetime, however. This is due, in part, to the mastery of Bada Shanren’s brush. According to Bada Shanren's contemporary Long Kebao 龍科寳 (17th c.):

“The best works [by Bada Shanren] are pine, lotus, and rocks… The lotus flowers are especially successful. Their success lies not in the flowers but in the leaves. Each leaf is lively and vibrant. There are those that are specially displayed in profile, as if a lifted lid; there are those that are twisted and bent as if withered by heat; there are those that are a single leaf filled with wind, directly displaying the side of each half; there are those in which the back and front are each completely exposed…”Translation largely adapted from Wang Fangyu & Barnhart, Richard M. & Smith, G. Judith ed. Master of the Lotus Garden: the Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Art Gallery: Yale University Press, 1990, p137.

As objects of admiration, Bada's paintings had inspired awe for centuries due to their innovative compositions and masterful brushwork. His artistic prowess has overshadowed the meanings of his paintings, thereby allowing him to use art as an outlet for expressing his inner thoughts and beliefs. His paintings are both a puzzle and a key to understanding this complex man, and as such, they continue to be subjected to multiple interpretations.

Scholars have long been interested in Bada Shanren’s paintings and their profound meanings.See, for examples, Wang Fangyu & Barnhart, Richard M. & Smith, G. Judith ed. Master of the Lotus Garden: the Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990; Chang 2003. This essay follows this academic trend investigating two works—Lotus and Ducks and Pine and Rock—acquired by the Seattle Art Museum in 2009.These paintings are said to have been taken to Japan by a friend of Kang Youwei (1858-1927) during 1937. Since then, they had been passed on within one family for generations. They may have been part of a larger set that includes a landscape and another bird painting, which also belonged to the Japanese collection. The museum is grateful to Dr. Joseph Chang, former curator for Chinese painting and calligraphy at the Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, for identifying the paintings from the Japanese collection. Painted on satin, it is possible that they were part of one set of paintings commissioned by a patron who provided the satin for Bada Shanren.One commission is a group of six paintings on similar material done ca. 1690-91, probably for the Governor of Jiangxi Song Luo 宋犖 (1634-1713), whose seals are on the paintings. For more information on this group of works and Bada’s relationship with Song, see Wang and Barnhart 1990, pp. 120-123. Unfortunately, we have no way of knowing the original circumstance and or the intention that motivated their creation. Yet he did not compromise his artistic pursuit to satisfy his patrons, and painting had never been a profitable trade for him.Cai Xingyi, “Heshui yidan zhi sanwen,” in Wang Zhaowen 王朝聞 and Xue Yongnian 薛永年 ed., Bada Shanren Quanji 八大山人全集. Nanchang Shi: Jiangxi meishu chubanshe, 2003, vol. 5, 1093-1096. Hence, one would be remiss to assume that the benefits from patronage would make Bada suppress his self-expression.

I contend that Bada Shanren was able to manifest his feelings in the Seattle scrolls, despite the conventional choice of subject matter. In the process, he boldly transformed the familiar categories of “bird-and-flower” and “pine-and-rock” into agents of personal expression, such that the motifs take on new meaning. In particular, the Seattle Pine and Rock signifies a new relationship between two familiar motifs.

Lotus and Ducks

Despite the fact that pine, rock, lotus and ducks are common subjects in Chinese painting, under the brush of Bada Shanren they have been humanized and personalized. Lotus and Ducks shows the contemplative vigil of the ducks, which perch precariously on two rocks that lack any visible solid support. The foundation is actually water, which is expertly painted with ink wash. The foreshortened surface of the pond echoes the foreshortened profile of the lotus with a broken stem, which is left to its demise. This work closely compares to the Lotus and Duck of the same period, 1690-92, in the Chokaido Foundation and the Two Mynas on a Rock, dated 1692, from a private collection.The paintings are illustrated and discussed in Wang and Barnhart 1990, cat. no. 20 and 27 respectively. In the Chokaido Lotus and Duck, the lone duck bows its head dramatically, avoiding the wilting lotus. As simple as these two paintings may appear, the sense of foreboding and imminent death is palpable.

The intensity of the gaze of the birds is a signature feature in Bada Shanren’s bird painting. To scholars and connoisseurs, it provides a basis for authentication and dating. According to Professor Richard Barnhart, this type of rounded, “angry-looking” eyes was done mainly from 1690-93, which contrasts with the square-shaped eyes painted in the late 1680s.Wang Fangyu & Barnhart, Richard M. & Smith, G. Judith ed. Master of the Lotus Garden: the Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990, p 124. See also Shan Guoqiang 單國強, “Bada Shanren hua niao hua de fenqi yu tese 八大山人花鳥畫的分期與特色,” in Wang Zhaowen 王朝聞 and Xue Yongnian 薛永年 ed., Bada Shanren Quanji 八大山人全集. Nanchang Shi: Jiangxi meishu chubanshe, 2003, Vol. 5, pp. 1228-1229.

The different depictions of the eyes indicate various states of mind that emotionally affect the viewer, and have had widespread influence not only in China but elsewhere as well. For example, the distinguished Northwest artist Morris Graves (1910–2001), who lived some three centuries after Bada Shanren, purchased a book on Bada and copied it (fig. 1). One source of the soulful look of Graves’ birds was Bada, contradicting conventional wisdom that it was based on Zen painting.I am thankful to Mr. Frank Bayley for this piece of information. Mr. Bayley’s great-great-grand uncle Bertrand Collins was an art dealer and knew Morris Graves well. Collins told Mr. Bayley some 40 years ago about Graves’ admiration of Bada Shanren.

Fig. 1: Morris Graves, Young Sea Bird, 1954. © Seattle Art Museum.

In any event, the way that Bada Shanren painted the ducks' eyes cannot be analyzed merely in terms of style or artistic convention. One can only appreciate that intent gaze in relationship to the body language of the ducks, whose hunched backs suggest a degree of apprehensiveness. The singular implied movement is the clenching of the neck, a defensive gesture from having sensed danger—their isolation on unstable rocks foreshadows imminent trouble. Hence, that stillness is not one of serenity. On the contrary, that uneasy stillness emphasizes their helplessness, which is heightened by the ducks’ all-knowing gaze: they are aware of and resigned to their predicament.

This work contrasts vividly with a later Lotus, Birds and Rocks, dated 1694, in the C.C Wang family collection (fig. 2).This painting is published and discussed in Wang and Barnhart 1990, cat. 33. Despite lotus leaves also painted in splashed ink and a comparable composition, the mood of the painting drastically differs from the Seattle painting. In the 1694 work, the small birds rest comfortably on large, stable rocks. There is nothing to suggest danger and death. As Richard Barnhart observes,

“However it may have happened, for once the typical Bada bird looking upward is doing so in a calm, easy, and unthreatened way… The painting is like an epiphany, and the insight it reveals is one Bada will state many times in these later years of his life: only in deepest isolation, distance, and protection from civilization can peace be attained. He himself was finding such a life in his hermitage, and his little birds are without fear at last.”Wang and Barnhart 1990, p. 148.

Fig. 2: Bada Shanren, Lotus, Birds and Rocks, 1694. Collection of C.C Wang Family.

In other words, within the short span of a few years in the early 1690s, when Bada Shanren was approaching his late sixties, his paintings reveal a shift in the mentality of the artist who finally accepts the reality of a world ruled by foreign conquerors.

Pine and Rock

The subtle reflections of the artist’s mind are not solely limited to the depiction of birds and their poignant gaze—Pine and Rock effectively manifests a similar, equally intriguing mindset as seen in Lotus and Ducks. Here, Bada outwardly anthropomorphizes the pine, which strains to break free of the confined world of the picture plane. This struggle is clearly expressed in the exaggerated contortion of the tree trunk and the pronged needles that almost resemble outstretched fingers. It would appear to be a futile attempt, however, because the trunk of the pine is noticeably narrow and weak at the bottom, which limits the pine's ability to grow into a majestic tree. Moreover, the confinement is so restricting that the tree bends inward, countering its natural tendency to grow upward. Indeed, the pine has ceased growing—its gnarled top is desiccated, foretelling irreparable consequences.It is possible that trees in nature had provided a model for the painting, and that Bada Shanren had massaged the model to fit his bleak mindset.

Its dilemma is exacerbated by an intrusive rock, which occupies the center and pushes the pine to the periphery. Emerging out of nowhere and shaped like a clenched fist, it forces its way aggressively into the picture. Perhaps it is a symbol of the Manchu minority that invaded and conquered China, leaving little ground for the Chinese Ming loyalists, particularly descendants of the Ming dynasty rulers like Bada Shanren. In any event, the confrontation is clear, and so is the victor, i.e. the rock (cum Manchu).

As simple as the painting may appear, its simplicity demonstrates the great skill of Bada Shanren, who does not seem to have labored over it, but painted with great confidence and fluidity. Despite such fluid brushstrokes, Bada Shanren must have carefully preconceived the painting and this notion of contention before applying brush and ink to satin. He must also have pondered how that confrontation would play out pictorially, demonstrating the strong and the weak. Conceivably, the rock was painted first, which set the stage, and then the pine tree. The order is suggested by the descriptive detail that the rock obstructs the view of part of the tree trunk. Hence, he fitted the subdued pine beside the rock. This order of painting the rock and tree was unusual, because it went against conventional practice and tradition. The eleventh-century painter Guo Xi 郭熙 (ca. 1020–1090) states:

“In painting rocks and trees attend first to the great pine which may be called the clan-elder. When the idea of the clan-elder has been established, go on to do the crevices and small plants, the creepers and the split-rocks. The pine is called the clan-elder because the entire mountain is manifest in it; it is like a man of virtue among small men.”Barnhart, Richard M. Wintry Forests, Old Trees: Some Landscape Themes in Chinese Painting. New York: China Institute in America, 1972, p. 39.

The disregard of this rule was not a rejection of Guo Xi, but probably a demonstration of the centrality and imposing nature of the rock. In order to express the clash of two unequal entities, Bada Shanren’s ingenious solution was to paint the pine partially underneath the rock to create the perception that it is pushing the pine.

This configuration of the pine and rock is highly unusual, if not unique, given the fact that pine and rock was a category developed by the Tang period.As Li Lincan had observed some 40 years ago, pine and rock painting was a distinct category that ‘developed to a substantial maturity’ by the Tang period. Li's argument is based on his reading of the ninth century Record of famous painters of the Tang dynasty, compiled by Zhu Jingxuan, who listed eighteen painters skilled in the genre of pine and rock. See Lin Lincan, “Pine and Rock, Wintry Tree, Old Tree and Bamboo and Rock, the Development of a Theme,” translated by John Hay, National Palace Museum Bulletin IV:6, pp. 8-11. A survey of Zhongguo Gudai Shuhua Tumu中國古代書畫图目, Chugoku kaiga sogo zuroku中國繪畫總合圖錄, and Gugong Shuhua Tulu故宮書畫圖錄 yields over forty examples of pine and rock paintings by various artists between the Yuan period and Bada Shanren’s lifetime (see Appendix), none of which corresponds to Bada Shanren’s striking composition. While the survey probably represents only a tiny fraction of pine and rock paintings done during that time, it offers a glimpse of standard compositions for this popular genre, in which the two main motifs complement each other, even though the tree is sometimes depicted as old and weathered. The ground plane can generally be seen. An exception is a painting at the Anhui Provincial Museum by Xiang Shengmo 項聖謨 (1597–1658), in which a boulder juts out from the right. Even so, Xiang's rock serves as a foundation for the tree. Similar compositions featuring a lofty tree suggest meaning normally associated with this genre. As Jing Hao 荊浩 (ca. 870–930) of the Tang period states:

“[The pine tree] may bend as it grows, but will never appear crooked. Sometimes it is dense with foliage, sometimes sparse, neither blue nor green. As a sapling it stands upright, its budding heart already harboring noble ambitions. Once it has grown taller than all the other trees, even when its lower branches bow down to the earth, they never touch the common ground. Its layered branches spreading in the forest, it has the air of a dignified and virtuous gentleman.”Wen C. Fong. Beyond Representation: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 8th-14th Century. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992, p. 77.

The natural features of the pine— upright, not crooked, not bowing down to the earth or common ground—are apt metaphors to describe a man of moral aptitude and integrity. Because of these powerful associations, pine and rock paintings are also appropriate gifts for an artist to give a man of integrity.

Furthermore, symbols also enable artists to express themselves more freely. For instance, the 12th-century exemplary literatus Mi Fu 米芾 (1051–1107) describes the paintings of his older friend, the poet laureate Su Shi 蘇軾 (1036–1101): “Su Shi paints leafless trees with their branches in rhythmic, twisting movements, and harsh rocks that are strange and remarkable beyond belief, as if expressing the restlessness of his spirit.”Quoted from Barnhart 1972, p. 20. The expressiveness of Su Shi's painting renders it a self-portrait. As Richard Barnhart explains:

“A tree, however, which is born from seed, and passes through youth, maturity, and old age to death, is like the very mirror of man. In a cultural tradition which sees man and nature as the symbiotic relationship of existence, therefore, we encounter the phenomenon of inter-identification. Self-portraiture, in western terms, is relatively rare in Chinese art; it is far more common for the artist to conceive himself in the image of the vulnerable yet enduring elements of nature: trees and rocks; and conversely, to see in them a reflection of human existence and history.”Barnhart 1972, p. 7.

In this light, the stylistic innovations seen in the Seattle Bada painting may acquire symbolism not associated with conventional pine and rock paintings. First, all the surveyed paintings feature pine and rock on the same solid ground; the separate surfaces for pine and rock in the Seattle scroll set the tone for opposition.

Another notable distinction between the Bada pine in Seattle’s example and those in the survey is the condition of the tree. The conventional tree is usually represented as either luxuriant or leafless, and the latter is due to prolonged exposure to harsh winter conditions. Yet the withering tree almost always shows sign of age, and does not have the prematurely emaciated appearance of the Bada Shanren pine in Seattle.Another painting that shows helpless-looking pines is Huang Daozhou 黃道周 (1585-1646)’s Three Scenes of Pines and Rocks” in the Osaka Municipal Museum. For more information, see Judith Whitbeck, “Calligrapher-Painter-Bureaucrats in the Late Ming,” The Restless Landscape: Chinese Painting of the Late Ming Period, edited by James Cahill (Berkeley: University Art Museum, 1971), pp. 115-122, 119. These telling distinctions could not have been purely stylistic. Very likely Bada Shanren conceived this painting as a confrontation between the conventional secondary motifs, and the meaning was concealed in a familiar genre to avoid suspicions from potential persecutors.

How did Bada Shanren conceive of making this image? A handful of works from 1670s-90s gives us a clue of the process in which Bada Shanren had internalized this genre and created new meanings. The earliest extant pine and rock painting by Bada, dated to around 1671 based on his use of seals, is now kept in the Lüshun Museum in Liaoning province (fig. 3). The work is similar to the conventional pine and rock paintings, e.g. a work by Xu Wei 徐渭 (1521–1593) in the Hashimoto collection, and the Dragon Pine painted around 1400 by Wu Boli 吳伯理, now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. (fig. 4 and fig. 5).

While these three works share the basic composition of a pine in front of a rock, they show some fundamental changes in the relationship between these elements. Wu Boli’s serpentine tree is unmistakably the dominant component in the work, with the branches and needles expanding beyond the confinement of the pictorial surface. Meanwhile, the rocks comprise a landscape that effectively serves as a backdrop. Wen Fong has insightfully related this work to a description by the tenth-century painter Jing Hao: “Among the trees, one had grown to occupy a huge area by itself. Its aged bark was covered with green lichen. It looked as if it were a flying dragon riding the sky, or as if it were a coiling dragon aiming at reaching the Milky Way.”Fong 1992, p. 475.

Xu Wei’s Pine and Rock, however, features a less dominant and somewhat deteriorating pine with less dramatic structure. While Xu Wei has also included some landscape elements, such as the trickling stream on the left, the substantial rock, painted expressively with dark ink, looms large behind the tree. Closely combined with the pine as a unit, the rock plays a supportive rather than subordinate role. The rounded and smooth contour of the rock and pine give the work a relaxed feel that is also supported by the inscription, which reads:

Privileged with leisure to use ink, I don’t admire senior officials,
[Painting] entangled branches and a bent trunk [like] old corals,
Transforming the ink [from the ink-stone] into frost and dew,
I gather the iris and skullcap and get drunk at the Celestial Palace.Yamato Bunkakan. Hashimoto Korekushon Chūgoku Kaiga Ten—Chinese Paintings from the Hashimoto Collection: Min, Shin, Kindai, 1980, Shigatsu 3-Gogatsu 11. Nara: Yamato Bunkakan, 1980, Fig. 22. Translation by Mark Pitner.

The inscription highlights the act of painting as a respectable leisurely pastime by a gentleman. As such, the subject matter conforms to the early association of the pine and rock as representations of a virtuous gentleman.

Bada Shanren’s early adaptation of this genre shows the same basic composition, as well as the downward-drooping of the left branch and graceful bending of the trunk’s bottom section. Yet the solid, vertical trunk sharply contrasts with the round, hollow rock. The inclusion of the peony in the background hardly alleviates the visual tension of these two otherwise distinctive, almost geometric, forms. Bada’s intention to create these contrasting forms is not clear, as the inscription provides virtually no information other than the fact that it was painted for a certain old Ke. Nevertheless, it is clear that Bada was treating the pine and the rock as discrete units rather than one. And this treatment can be seen earlier still in the 1659 album, which is the earliest extant dated work by the artist, now kept at the Taipei National Palace Museum. In that album, the pine and the rock are subjects for separate leaves.

Interestingly, after the 1671 painting, Bada seldom painted upright pines. A pine and rock painting titled Sudden Snow on a Clear Day (Kuaixue shiqing tu 快雪時晴圖) from the Beijing Palace Museum, dated 1691, shows a thin, twisting pine with few branches (fig. 6).More information on this painting can be found in Wang and Barnhart 1990, p. 260, no. 37. This depiction recalls the teaching of the great Ming painter and theorist Dong Qichang, who had a strong influence on Bada. In his Huachanshi suibi 畫禪室隨筆 Dong Qichang states:

“It is essential in painting trees that they be made to turn, and that there not be an abundance of branches. The branch tips must be held back, not let go; but the habit of the tree should be open, not rigid. The method of painting trees requires attention to the principle of turning. With each movement of the brush one must be thinking of where it will turn. This is like calligraphy, in which the writer uses his strength in turning the brush; still less can one let the force of the brush go without retrieving it. To say that a trunk has four branches means that there should be branches or leaves on all four sides. Yet in painting a tree a foot high one should not allow even a half-inch to be straight. It is essential that each brushstroke be made to turn away. These are the secrets.”Barnhart 1972, p. 55.
畫樹之法,須專以轉折為主。每一動筆,便想轉折處。如寫字之於轉筆用力, 更不可往而不收。樹有四肢,謂四面皆可作枝著葉也,但畫一尺樹,更不可令有半寸之直,須筆筆轉去。此秘訣也。

Fig. 6: Bada Shanren, Sudden Snow on a Clear Day, 1691. Collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing.

The 1691 work suggests that Bada Shanren followed Dong's advice. The Beijing Sudden Snow on a Clear Day快雪時晴圖 also shows some features which characterize Bada Shanren's trees and rocks of his mature period. While in both the early and the later works these elements appear to be unstable on a sloped surface, the later work reinforces that sense of instability by narrowing the bottoms of the tree trunk and the rock. Moreover, the relationship between the pine and rock also evolves, with a rock beginning to emerge from the back of the pine. Bada has not provided many clues for this composition, except for the inscription identifying the work as Sudden Snow on a Clear Day. This note recalls the landscape with the same title by the Yuan master Huang Gongwang 黃公望 (1269–1354), despite the fact that the two paintings bear no resemblance whatsoever. The inscription also notes that the ancients could not have bought Huang's work for a thousand gold, and that Bada could paint the same subject in a moment while intoxicated. The inscription suggests that the pine and rock are signifiers of the weather, and does not draw attention to the relationship between the motifs. Yet it is implicit that Bada was experimenting with their relationship and using their partially overlapping forms to create visual tension.

The tension between the two motifs, pine and rock, is intensified in a painting done during the following year in 1692 (fig. 7).The painting is reproduced in Wang and Barnhart 1990, p. 262, no. 54. While the work relates to Sudden Snow on a Clear Day, with similar rendering of the tree, the relationship between the pine and rock has changed significantly. First, the rock in the 1692 work is no longer behind the tree; it is on equal footing with the pine. More importantly, the rock occupies the center, thereby marginalizing the pine. Nonetheless, the rock is not in complete dominance. As both the pine and rock tilt to the right on a slope, it appears that the pine is leaning on it rather than being pushed away.

Fig. 7: Bada Shanren, Pine Tree and Rock, 1692. © Collection Unknown.

As the evolving relationship between the pine and rock shows the process in which Bada Shanren experimentally subverted the traditional centrality of the pine, we have reason to believe that the Seattle painting was done after the 1692 Pine and Rock, probably around 1692-93, taking into consideration that the Lotus and Duck—most likely painted as a set was not likely to have been done after 1693. The rock is now in front of the tree, and its leftward inclination leaves no doubt that it has pushed the tree to the margin: unlike the 1692 tree which tilts inward, the Seattle pine is retreating from the rock to the edge. In short, the process of subversion is complete in the Seattle scroll.

In conclusion, the fact that most of Bada Shanren’s works can be grouped under categorical genres, such as “bird-and flower,” “landscape,” and “pine-and-rock,” seems to have conveniently disguised their deeper meaning. Scholars generally agree that the expressiveness of Bada Shanren’s ducks is significant, but few have explored the genre of pine and rock. While this genre had existed for over eight centuries, Bada Shanren was able to endow it with new meaning by creating visual tension. Nonetheless, the evolution of his pine and rock paintings shows that this effort required yearlong experimentation. When that goal was achieved, the result is a compelling image. As such, the Seattle Pine and Rock painting stands out among other paintings of the same subject by this artist. Perhaps more importantly, this work shows that Bada Shanren had reinvigorated the age-old genre by increasing its capacity for expression far beyond the deceptively simple natural forms.


Appendix—Examples of Pine and Rock paintings

•  Li Kan李衎, Kumu zhushi tu 枯木竹石圖, Yuan, Indianapolis Museum of Art, CGKG, Vol. 1, p290
•  Wu Zhen吳鎮, Laosong tu 老松圖, Yuan, Metropolitan Museum of Art, CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 1, p60
•  Sheng Mao 盛懋, Songshi tu 松石圖, 1359, Palace Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 19, p267
•  Li Shixing李士行, Qiaosong zhushi 喬松竹石, Yuan, National Palace Museum, GGSHTL, Vol. 4, p183
•  Unknown, Kumu tu 枯木圖, Yuan, Chorakuji Temple, CGKG, Vol. 4, p99
•  Wu Boli 吳伯理, Liushui songfeng tu 流水松風圖, Ming, Metropolitan Museum of Art, CGKG, Vol. 1, p129
•  Gao Yang高陽, Songshi tu 松石圖, Ming, Zhang Yunzhong Collection, CGKG, Vol. 4, p190
•  Zheng Daguan 鄭大觀, Songshi tu 松石圖, Ming, Taizo Yamaoka Collection, CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 3, p249
•  Shen Zhou沈周, Songshi tu松石圖, 1480, Palace Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 20, p93
•  Wen Zhengming文徴明, Suihan sanyou 歲寒三友, Ming, National Palace Museum, GGSHTL, Vol. 7, p167
•  Wen Zhengming文徴明, Songshi tu shanmian 松石圖扇面, Ming, Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst (Berlin), CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 2, p293
•  Wen Jia文嘉, Shanshui tuce 山水圖冊, Ming, The Art Museum, Princeton University, CGKG, Vol. 1, p115
•  Xu Wei 徐渭, Songshi tu 松石圖, Ming , Taitsu Hashimoto Collection, CGKG, Vol. 4, p337
•  Zhang Fu張復, Zhujia shanshui ji 諸家山水集, 1619, Palace Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 21, p87
•  Zhang Fu張復, Laosong zhushi tu 老松竹石圖, Ming, Private Collection, CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 3, p119
•  Xu Fang徐枋, Songshi tu 松石圖, 1621, Shenyang Palace Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 15, p250
•  Li Liufang李流芳, Songshi tu 松石圖, 1622, Shanghai Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 4, p18
•  Li Liufang李流芳, Shushi tu 樹石圖, 1623, Bei Shan Tang Collection, CGKG, Vol. 2, p42
•  Cheng Sui程邃, Songshi tu 松石圖, 1641, Lan-Ch’ien-shan-kuan Collection, CGKG, Vol. 2, p19
•  Lan Ying藍瑛, Zhushi dafu tu 柱石大夫圖, 1644, Xileng yinshe 西冷印社, GGDSHTM, Vol. 11, p187
•  Huang Daozhou 黃道周, Songshi tu juan 松石圖卷, Ming, Osaka Municipal Museum, CGKG, Vol. 3, pp. 140-141
•  Wu Ling吳令, Tangshang baitou tu 堂上百頭圖, 1649, National Palace Museum, GGSHTL, Vol. 9, p257
•  Qian Gu錢穀, Shanshui 山水, 1651, Shanghai Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 3, p150
•  Xiang Shengmo項聖謨, Songshi tu 松石圖, 1652, Zhejiang Provincial Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 11, p57
•  Xiang Shengmo項聖謨, Songshi tu 松石圖, 1657, Zhejiang Provincial Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 11, p57
•  Xiang Shengmo項聖謨, Cangsong zhushi tu 蒼松竹石圖, Qing, Shandong Provincial Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 16, p197
•  Xiang Shengmo項聖謨, Songshi tu 松石圖, Qing, Ip Collection, CGKG, Vol. 2, p123
•  Xiang Shengmo項聖謨, Ersong tu 二松圖, Qing, Shohei Kumita Collection, CGKG, Vol. 4, p300
•  Xiang Shengmo項聖謨, Meisong tu 梅松圖, Qing, Anhui Provincial Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 12, p219
•  Jian Jiang漸江, Shuangsong jushi tu 雙松巨石圖, Qing, Hong Kong Museum of Art- Xubaizhai Collection, CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 2, p183
•  Zhou Zhe皺喆, Qisong tu 七松圖, 1672, Shanghai Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 4, p302
•  Huang Ding黃鼎, Fang Li Cheng gusong tu 仿李成古松圖, 1679, Cleveland Museum of Art, CGKG, Vol. 1, p262
•  Wang Zhirui汪之瑞, Songshi tu 松石圖, Qing, Art Museum, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 2, p25
•  Wang Zhirui汪之瑞, Songshi tu 松石圖, Qing, Bei Shan Tang Collection, CGKG, Vol. 2, p43
•  Zha Shibiao查士標, Songbai zhushi tu 松柏竹石圖, Qing, Private Collection, CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 3, p189
•  Yun Shouping惲壽平, Shanshui tu 山水圖, Qing, Kyoto National Museum, CGKG, Vol. 3, p189
•  Mei Qing梅清, Sanqing tu 三清圖, 1681, Zhejiang Provincial Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 11, p85
•  Mei Qing梅清, Shanshui 山水, 1694, Shanghai Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 4, p328
•  Mei Qing梅清, Songshi tu 松石圖, Qing, Guangdong Provincial Museum, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 13, p198
•  Mei Qing梅清, Zhushi tu 柱石圖, Qing, Private Collection, CGKG (Zoku), Vol. 3, p204
•  Cai Ze蔡澤, Songshi tu 松石圖, 1694, Taitsu Hashimoto Collection, CGKG, Vol. 4, p334
•  Wu Zhuo吳焯 , Songxia renwu tu 松下人物圖, 1696, Kurokawa Institute of Ancient Cultures, CGKG, Vol. 3, p300
•  Zhang Sheng章聲, Bulao Changchun tu 不老長春圖, Qing, Tokyo National Museum, CGKG, Vol. 3, p9
•  Gao Qipei高其佩, Songxia muma tu 松下牧馬圖, Qing, Lu Collection, CGKG, Vol. 2, p33
•  Wu Dan武丹, Songshi tu 松石圖, Qing, Sichuan University, ZGGDSHTM, Vol. 17, p139

* ZGGDSHTM: Zhongguo gudai shuhua tumu中國古代書畫图目Zhongguo gudai shuhua jiandingzu中國古代書畫鑑定組 ed.. Zhongguo Gudai Shuhua Tumu中國古代書畫图目. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe: Xinhua shudian Beijing faxingsuo faxing, [198-?]-. 
* GGSHTL: Gugong Shuhua Tulu 故宮書畫圖錄Guoli gugong bowuyuan bianji weiyuanhui 國立故宮博物院編輯委員會. Gugong Shuhua Tulu 故宮書畫圖錄. Taipei: Guoli gugong bowuyuan, 1989. 
* CGKG: CGKG sogozurokuSuzuki Kei. Chugoku kaiga sogozuroku. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai; Tokyo Daigaku, 1982.  
* CGKG (Zoku): CGKG sogozuroku. Zokuhen.Teisuke Toda, Hiromitsu Ogawa; Tōkyō Daigaku Tōyō Bunka Kenkyūjo, Higashi Ajia Bumon Bijutsu Kenkyū Bun’ya ed. Chugoku kaiga sogozuroku. Zokuhen. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Toyo Bunka Kenkyujo, 1998.

© 2013 by the Seattle Art Museum


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